Wanaobambwa kwa rushwa CCM hawana chao

Wanaobambwa kwa rushwa CCM hawana chao

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Saturday, 24 July 2010 10:00

0diggsdigg SIKU moja baada ya kuripotiwa matukio rushwa katika mchakato kupata wagombea ubunge ndani ya CCM, chama hicho kimesema mgombea yeyote atakayekamatwa na Takukuru hatapitishwa hata kama atashinda katika kura za maoni. Chama hicho kimepongeza mkakati wa Takukuru kuwanasa wagombea waojihusisha na rushwa na kusema chenyewe kinaandaa adhabu kali kwa watakaothibitika kuhusika na vitendo hivyo. Katibu Mkuu Yusuf Makamba aliliambia gazeti hili jana CCM itawafutia matokeo wagombea wote watakaothibitika kujihusisha na rushwa katika mchakato huo bila kujali majina na nyadhifa zao ndani ya chama. "Tunaomba wanachama watusaidie kwanza kwa kutowachagua watu wa aina hiyo. Lakini ikitokea bahati mbaya wamechaguliwa, hatutampitisha. Msimamo wetu CCM ni kutomtetea mgombea yoyote anayetoa rushwa," alisisitiza Makamba. Makamba aliipongeza Takukuru kwa kazi hiyo ya kupambana na rushwa na kuitaka isimwogope mtu badala yake iongeze kasi ya kuwafuatilia na kuwachukulia hatua. "Mimi sijapata taarifa rasmi kama kuna wagombea wamekamatwa na Takukuru kwa rushwa, lakini naipongeza kwa kazi hiyo nzuri, naipongeza, iongeze bidiina wanaCCM washirikiane na Takukuru kufichua watoa na wala rushwa," alisema Makamba. Kauli ya Makamba imekuja huku taarifa za rushwa zikiendelea kuripotiwa katika kampeni hizo za kura za maoni zilizoanza juzi nchini kote. Naye Mkurugenzi Mkuu wa Takukuru, Dk Edward Hoseah amewaonya wanasiasa kutojiingiza katika matendo ya rushwa kwa kuwa taasisi yake haitanii katika suala hilo. “Takukuru hatutanii, we mean business (tupo kazini) na hatufanyi danganya toto hapa.... Nawasihi wasitoe wala kupokea rushwa,” alisema Dk Hoseah. Alisema mpaka sasa Takukuru imeshakusanya taarifa mbalimbali za kiintelijensia kuhusu matukio ya rushwa na punde watuhumiwa wataanza kuhojiwa. “Tumeshakusanya taarifa za kiintelijensia za kutosha hivyo nawasihi wanasiasa pamoja na wananchi kwa ujumla tusilaumiane maana tumejipanga vizuri sana,” alisema Dk Hoseah. Mkoani Mwanza Taarifa zilizopatikana jana zimeeleza kuwa Mbunge wa Magu Dk Festus Limbu ameonja shubiri ya Takukuru baada ya kukamatwa akitoa Sh5000 kwa mpigakura. Tukio hilo lilitokea juzi jioni wilayani Magu wakati wagombea wa ubunge kupitia CCM walipokuwa wakijinadi na kuomba kuteuliwa katika kura za maoni. Habari zimeeleza kuwa Dk Limbu alikamatwa saa 10:00 jioni na kuhojiwa kuanzia saa 2:00 usiku hadi saa 5:00 usiku, huku wagombea wengine wakihojiwa kwa nyakati tofauti kuhusu tukio hilo ndani ya muda huo. Kamanda wa Takukuru mkoani Mwanza Christopher Mariba alithibisha tukio hilo na kueleza kuwa Dk Limbu alitoa fedha hiyo kwa mmoja wa wapiga kura, mbele ya wagombea wenzake wakati wakitoka katika mikutano ya kampeni. Mariba alilieleza gazeti hili jana kuwa Takukuru ilimshikilia Dk Limbu kwa muda pamoja na mtu aliyepokea fedha hiyo kwa ajili ya mahojiano. “Tukio hilo lipo, lakini kwa sasa tunaendelea na uchunguzi, siwezi kutoa maelezo zaidi,” alieleza kamanda huyo. Hata hivyo habari kutoka eneo la tukio zinaeleza kuwa baada ya kutoa fedha hizo, wagombea wenzake walimkamata aliyepokea na Dk Limbu na kuwapigia simu maofisa wa Takukuru ambao walifika na kumchukua. Lakini, Dk Limbu alipoulizwa na gazeti hili jana alikana kushikiliwa na Takukuru na kueleza kuwa kulitokea ni kutoelewana kidogo tu baina yake na wagombea wenzake. “Hiki ni kipindi cha kampeni, kila mtu anataka kuvutia kwake, jambo hili halipo. Kilichotokea ni kutoelewana tu basi na mtu mmoja akaamua kuwapigia simu Takukuru,” alieleza Dk Limbu kwa kifupi. Mkoa wa Lindi Takukuru mkoani Lindi imewakamata na kuwahoji wajumbe watatu wa kamati ya siasa ya wilaya ya Lindi kwa tuhuma za kugawa fedha kwa wanachama wa CCM ili kuwashawishi wamchague mgombea wanayemuunga. Tukio hilo lilitokea usiku wa kuamkia jana katika wilaya ya Lindi mjini ambako wajumbe hao walikuwa wanagawa fedha hizo kwa wajumbe wa matawi ili kuimarisha ushawishi huo. Kamanda wa Takukuru wilaya ya Lindi, George Mbwiga zilisema kuwa Takukuru iliwakamata wajumbe hao baada ya kupata taarifa kuwa kuna watu wanagawa fedha kwa wanachama wa CCM. "Tukio hilo, ni kweli. Tuliwaita na kuwahoji baada kupata taarifa kuwa waligawa fedha na baadaye tulimewaachia huru", alisema Mbwiga. Mkoa wa Mara Baadhi ya wanaCCM wanaoomba kuteuliwa na chama hicho kugombea ubunge katika majimbo ya mkoa wa Mara wamepata wakati mgumu baada ya kuzomewa na wananchi. Wagombea hao Prof Phillemo Sarungi wa jimbo la Rorya na Christopher Kangoye wa Tarime, walifikwa na mkasa huo jana walipokuwa wakijinadi kwa wanaCCM. Sarungi na Kangoye waliuzwa maswali tofauti lakini walikwepa kijibu. Wakati profesa Sarungi akitakiwa kuwaachia vijana kinyang'anyiro hicho, Kangoye alitakiwa kueleza sababu za kung'ang'ania ubunge wakati aliwakuwa mkuu wa wilaya. Wananchi waliwataka waliwafanyia nini walipokuwa viongozi na sasa wanapanga kufanya nini ambacho wanadhani wengine watashindwa. Kangoye ambaye aliwahi kugombea ubunge katika jimbo hilo na kushindwa mara tatu alitwangwa maswali hayo katika kata za Manga, Komaswa na Nyandoto. Vijana hao walimtaka profesa Sarungi awaachia vijana ubunge kwa kuwa umri wake umepita. Huko Bunda, vurugu na vitisho vilitawala kwenye kampeni za kura za maoni katika jimbo la Bunda ambako wapambe wa baadhi ya wagombea walitishia kumwaga damu. Wagombea wanne juzi walitimua mbio katika kituo cha Manyamanyama na kumwacha Steven Wasira akijinadi peke yake. Wagombea hao walitimua mbio baada ya kundi la vijana linalodaiwa kuwa wapambe wa Wasira kuwafanyia fujo kwa kuwatukana na kuwarushia chupa. Mwenyekiti wa CCM wilaya ya Bunda Elias Majura alithibitisha kuwepo kwa tukio hilo na kueleza kuwa wagombea hao wameandika barua ya malalamiko kwenda CCM na kupangiwa siku nyingine kufanya kampeni eneo hilo. Jimbo la Bunda linawagombea watano wa ubunge kutoka CCM ambao ni Yeremia Maganja, Ginche Kisase, Jeremiah John Wambura, Steven Wasira, Tumaini Mgaya na Emanuel John Charles Mkoa wa Mbeya SAKATA la wagombea ubunge kugoma kufanya kampeni Jimbo la Kyela limeingia katika sura mpya baada ya wagombea kuwakataa katibu wa CCM wilaya ya Kyela, Lwidiko Nong’onna na msaidizi wake Epmark Makuya kusimamia kampeni hizo. Habari zimeeleza kuwa wagombea hao hawataki viongozi hao kusimamia kampeni hizo kwa kuwa wanatuhumiwa kugawa kadi bandia. Juzi wagombea wanne waligoma kuanza kampeni wakidai kuwa na hofu ya kuhujumiwa kutokana na kuwepo kwa kadi walizodai kuwa zilizogawiwa kinyme na taratibu na viongozi hao. Nong’onna na msaidizi wake walishirikiana na mmoja wa wagombea hao kugawa kadi hizo kinyume cha taratibu ili kumsaidia katika kura za maoni. Habari zilizopatikana jana na kuthibitishwa na katibu wa CCM mkoa wa Mbeya, Verena Shumbusho zimeeleza kuwa wagombea hao waliwakataa katibu na msaidizi wake katika kikao kilichofanyika ofisi za CCM wilaya ya Kyela. Imedaiwa kuwa kadi za CCM zaidi ya 2,800 zimegawiwa katika Kata za Ikolo, Ikomba na Matema kinyume cha taratibu Mkoa wa Kigoma Wgombea nafasi za udiwani na ungue wilayani Kibondo, Kigoma wameipongeza kwa hatua yake ya kupambana rushwa katika kinyang’anyiro hicho. Thomas Buhahate ambaye ni mmoja wa wagombea katika jimbo la Muhambwe ,wilayani Kibondo alisema hatua hiyo itasadia kupata viongozi bora. Mkoa wa Arusha Kampeni za kuwania kuteuliwa kugombea ubunge zilianza kwa vituko katika majimbo ya Arusha mjini na Arumeru Magharibi, huku baadhi ya wagombea wakibanwa na maswali na kupokelewa kwa mabango. Katika kampeni hizo, ambazo wagombea wote wamekuwa wakiomba kuchaguliwa, viongozi wa CCM wa wilaya za Arusha na Arumeru mara kadhaa walijikuta wakiwatetea wagombea hasa wanaotetea nafasi zao kutokana na kubanwa zaidi na wananchi. Katika mkutano huo, Kileo aliwataka wanaCCM kuacha kupiga makofi wagombea wanapozungumza na hata kuwazomea, lakini hata hivyo, agizo hilo lilishindikana baada ya wananchi hao, kumpigia makofi mgombea Waziri wa nchi Ofisi ya makamu wa, Rais Dk Batilda Burian huku wakiguna alipoanza kuzungumza mbunge anayemaliza muda wake Felix Mrema. Mkoa wa Kilimanjaro TAASISI ya Kuzuia na Kupambana na Rushwa (Takukuru) mkoani Kilimanjaro imewatia mbaroni wanachama watano wa CCM mjini Moshi akiwamo diwani mmoja wa chama hicho kwa kujihusisha na rushwa. Hata hivyo, mwanachama mmoja wa CCM ambaye ni mwanamke alifanikiwa kutoroka kupitia choo cha Wanawake wakati maofisa wa Takukuru wakisubiri afisa Mwanamke kufika eneo la tukio katika baa ya Peter Club Majengo. Bado haijawekwa wazi waliokamatwa walikuwa wakimkampenia Mbunge gani katika majimbo ya la Moshi Mjini na Jimbo la Moshi Vijijini ambayo ni majimbo yenye kashkashi nyingi za kampeni za mchakato ndani ya CCM. Kamanda wa Takukuru mkoani Kilimanjaro, Alexander Budigila aliwaambia waandishi wa habari jana jioni kuwa wanachama hao ambao ni mawakala wa mgombea mmoja wa ubunge, walitiwa mbaroni jana saa 8:00 mchana. Mkoa wa Ruvuma Wagombea nafasi ya ubunge kupitia CCM wa Jimbo la Peramiho wanaanza kampeni zao leo. Uchunguzi uliofanywa na Mwananchi umebaini kuwa majimbo ya Songea Mjini, Mbinga Magharibi, Peramiho na Tunduru ndiyo yenye upinzani mkali kwa sasa. Mbinga Magharibi linawaniwa na Kapteni John Komba na Alex Shauri. Peramihoyupo Jennister Mhagama, na Joseph Mhagama na Jacob Mbawala. Songea Mjini ni Emmanuel Nchimbi, Oliver Mhaiki, Slim Slim, Renatus Mkinga na Said Nassor Moyo. Jimbo la Tunduru, mbunge wa sasa Mtutura Mtutura anachuana vikali na Msafiri Kandulinduli, Daimu Mpakate na Bakari Mkoa wa Iringa WANACHAMA wawili wa CCM waliokuwa wamechukua fomu kwa ajili ya kuwania nafasi ya udiwani katika kata ya Kihesa, Manispaa ya Iringa, wamejitoa baada ya kushindwa kulipa Sh 220,000 za uchaguzi. Wagombea waliojitoa katika kinyang’anyiro hicho ni Augustino Kimuliko na Bashil Mwamwindi ambao walidai kuwa hawakuataarifiwa mapema kama watatakiwa kulipa fedha. Wagombea hao walisema kuwa taarifa ya kuchangia fedha hiyo waliipata Julai 22 mwaka huu baada ya kurejesha fomu zao za kugombea katika kikao cha kamati ya siasa kilichofanyika katika ofisi za kata hivyo kuamua kujitoa. Katibu mwenezi wa CCM kata ya kihesa, Zainab Kufakunoga alikiri kujitoa kwa wanachama hao na kuongeza kuwa awali walijitoa wanne kati ya saba waliokuwa wamechukua fomu lakini walipopunguza kiwango cha fedha toka sh 220,000 hadi 150,000 wagombea wawili waliamua kurudi. Dar es Salaam VITUKO, ushirikina na madai ya kuzomeana vimetawala katika kampeni za ubunge kupitia CCM jimbo la Kigamboni. Wakiwa wamepanda kwenye basi moja kwenda vituo vya kujinadi, miongoni mwa wagombea 19 walipinga kutanguliwa na gari ya mmoja wao lililokuwa limebeba wapambe wake. Mmoja wa wagombea hao aliweka wazi kwamba, wamekwishakubaliana basi walilopanda lisitanguliwe na gari ya mgombea yeyote. Miongoni mwa wagombea hao walidai kwamba baadhi ya wapambe wa wagombea walikuwa wakifanya vitendo vya ushirikina ili wengine washindwe kujinadi mbele ya wanachama. "Dereva simamisha gari! Gari ile (iliyowatangulia) waelezwe waje nyuma na siyo mbele," alisema kwa hasira mmoja wa wagombea hao (jina tunalihifadhi). Waliokuwa wanadharau kuwa kuna ushirikiana, waliwaliwaza wenzao kwa kusema wasijali, wao wamwombe Mungu, kwa sababu ndiye mwenye nguvu zaidi kuliko nguvu za giza. Kituko kingine ni cha mbunge anayemaliza muda wake Abdulrahaman Mwichoum kulalamika kwamba mmoja wa wagombea ameandaa wapambe ili wamzomee. Katika jimbo la Ubungo, mmoja wa wasimamizi wa kampeni kuwataka wanachama wasiwaulize wagombea wa udiwani maswali magumu. Alidai kwamba kitendo hicho ni kuwapa mzigo wagombea hao ambao wote ni wa CCM bila sababu za msingi na kwamba maswali hayo magumu yahifadhiwe ili wawaulize wagombea wa vyama vya upinzani wakati wa kampeni za uchaguzi mkuu. “Sisi sote ni timu moja hivyo tukiulizana maswali magumu tunapoteza muda na kuwapa nafasi wapinzani. Ngojeni kura za maoni zikishapita ndipo mtauliza maswali yenu. Hawa ni wagombea wa CCM siyo wa upinzani,” alisema mmoja wa wasimamizi hao. Katika jimbo la Temeke mgombea mmoja alituma wajumbe kutoka kata nyingine kwa ajili ya kusiliza wagombea wenzake wanapojieleza na kuwarekodi. Hali hiyo ilijitokeza katika kata ya Chang’ombe ambako kundi hilo linalodaiwa kuletwa na mmoja wa wagombea hao kutoka Yombo Vituka, lilikuwa pia linagawa vitambulisho vya mgombea huyo. Habari imeandaliwa na Leon Bahati, Exuper Kachenje, Hussein Issa na Hidaya Kivatwa, Mkinga Mkinga na Jane Mapunda-Tudarco, Leon Bahati, Fredy Azzah, Zaina MalongoDar, Brandy Nelson, Mbeya, Mussa Juma na Hemedi Kivuyo, Arusha, Frederick Katulanda, Mwanza, Ibrahim Bakari, Songea, Hadija Jumanne, Samson Chacha na Antony Mayunga,Mara Mwisho www.mwananchi.co.tz

The Missing Link In Nigeria’s Industrialization Efforts

The Nigerian Government has been asleep at the wheel for decades when it comes to developing a strategic composites technology policy that focuses on empowering the industrial base and deepening the opportunities for advanced technology transfer. The consequences of this failure in leadership are evident in the abysmal state of the nation’s industrial development.

The dynamism of the industrialization process demands that its engine be constantly stroked with new ideas, engineering processes, and progressive policies. It is a process that abhors stagnation. Countries that ignore this principle find themselves fated to become relics, fit only for display in a museum. To date, the industrial fate of Nigeria is frighteningly precarious in every sense.

As a country, you are either an industrialized nation with its attendant benefits—prosperous, G8, and with world leaders—or you are confined to the non-industrialized League of Nations, doomed to the export of extractive commodities for a pittance to sustain your wobbly economy. No nation aspires to the latter club. Even for the uninitiated, the benefits of industrialization are self-evident.

In contemporary Nigeria, however, economic indicators have shown declining contributions from the productive sector to the nation’s Gross Domestic Product GDP for decades, aside from crude oil export. Admittedly, the decay in the manufacturing sector is the result of diverse factors that conspire to render many industries comatose. Yet, a case can easily be made that the problem is due to the failure to infuse the industrialization engine with the new ideas and technology that would sustain it. There is ample evidence, in fact, that many manufacturing industries have become progressively unhinged when newer or smarter technologies and materials render their operations non-competitive.

Newer materials and engineering methodologies have been supremely dominant in the worldwide advancement of the industrialization process. Depending on the benefits sought, the blend of two or more elements can provide much desired benefits such as higher tensile strength, lighter weight, high resistance to corrosion, low conductivity, and more. These advanced materials, such as fiberglass and composites, are indispensable in the progression of the industrial process by providing smarter alternatives to metal, wood, and plastic. Currently, there is barely any industrial application where composites are not in use, including marine, power, automotive, construction, wind energy, defense, aerospace, appliances, electrical/electronic, and sporting goods. For example, in aeronautic construction, an estimated 50% to 70% of new aircraft construction materials consist of composite material. In defense, fighter jets, naval ships, and armored carriers are discarding steel in their construction for advanced composite material to achieve faster fighter jets, faster vessels, or better armored carriers.

The energy industry has long embraced composites as the material of choice in many of their applications from crude oil production, storage, and pipeline transport to wind energy generation. In an environmentally conscious world, few energy companies would be foolhardy enough to ignore the long-term repercussions of using other, less environmentally friendly products. Although the composite industry in Nigeria is burgeoning, the failures of the federal government to formulate a strategic policy that will stimulate its growth remain an impediment. The tragedy of Nigeria’s successive administrations is the obsessively myopic attempt to smuggle Nigeria through the back door into the comity of industrialized nations without an established and vibrant industrial base. While technology has moved on beyond steel, aluminum, and wood to these high performance materials, Nigeria has been ensnared for more than 30 years in the never-ending construction of the Ajaokuta steel complex—with no end in sight.

In the Industrial Policy of Nigeria 1989, government declared that, “Nigeria’s Industrial Development strategy will encourage forward and backward linkages within a few chosen niches. Government will continue to provide the enabling environment for private sector leadership, facilitate renewal for sunset industries, and encourage innovators. It will specifically promote small and medium enterprises.” But these are lip-service declarations that are emblematic of the poverty of ideas that continue to taint successive Nigerian industrial policies.

Globally, administrations that recognize composite technology as “the next great thing” have moved at an exceptional pace to advance their industrial capacities by maximizing its full potential. Such dynamism in industrial processes confers superior comparative advantage on the productive capacity of these manufacturing sectors. Unfortunately, the Nigerian administration does not recognize the importance of such endeavors. Only recently, the Director General of the National Agency for Science and Engineering Infrastructure (NASENI), Prof. Olusegun O. Adewoye, declared that “about 80 percent of the manufacturing activities all over the world are based on advanced manufacturing technology” and concluded that Nigeria should not be different. (Daily Trust 21^st December 2008). However, even with a clear identification of what needs to be done, little attempt has been made to act on these declarations.

Clearly, the solution lies in the complete overhaul of the nation’s obsolete industrialization techno-policies and strategies so that they can be properly structured to harness advances in newer technologies, materials, and engineering. Critical to such a blueprint-making and implementation process is the need to eschew past policy perversions such as political considerations or tribal sentiments. Moving forward, public-private partnership projects should be symbiotically tied to the use of newer technology and materials to substantially stimulate the market and encourage foreign direct investments in the composite industry. Additionally, there is a need to strategize ahead of the curve to secure a firm footing in the global multi-billion dollar composite materials industry. Establishing a presence among global technology players will facilitate the appropriate intercourse in technology barter which, in turn, will intensify the pace of industrial development.

As a nation intent on the rapid development of its industrial capacities, Nigeria cannot afford to ignore emerging advanced composite technology. Doing so would return the country to the circumlocution that has held it back from taking its rightful place among other industrialized nations. The Nigerian government must seize the moment to develop a strategic composite techno-policy that focuses on empowering the industrial base and deepening the opportunities for advanced technology transfer.

Emma Adoghe, a member of the Society for the Advancement of Material and Process Engineering,

Covina, CA , is the CEO of CP Fiberglass Ltd.

What Is Nigeria’s Composites Technology Policy Strategy?

Emma Adoghe

In a poorly conceived campaign aimed at technological advancement and infrastructure development, the previous administration embarked on the establishment of 17 Advance Manufacturing Technology (ATM) Institutes. While, in itself, this is a laudable and necessary move, its implementation structure appears insufficient. In keeping with the same old method of throwing money at problems, government has failed yet again to take the concrete steps necessary for a credible solution.

These Institutes appear to have emerged as a result of the continuing need to advance the nation’s technical knowledge and revive its crumbling manufacturing sector. This, of course, is a positive goal. But the locusts responsible for the decay of the manufacturing sector remain unfettered and may seize upon this new opportunity as a way of ravaging the funds that are appropriated for the development of the Institutes. Unless a well-defined policy structure backed by a stringent implementation process is executed, the project may end up in the same wasteland as other abandoned projects.

Composites technology, for example, has been exceptionally revolutionary in material engineering. Although the technology is not new, engineering advances have resulted in highly desirable composites materials that can be applied in practically all industries from highly sensitive military applications to domestic wares. In fact, composites are quickly replacing many structural materials such as steel, aluminum, and wood as the material of choice due to their light weight, strength, high resistance to corrosion, low conductivity, and many other desirable attributes.

While South Africa has developed a fairly sophisticated national strategy on composites technology with a push toward capturing a substantial composites technology market share, the same cannot be said of Nigeria. According to a report by K. Parker of the Advanced Manufacturing Technology Strategy Implementation Unit of South Africa, “The South African composites market is relatively mature and is characterised by many small, medium and micro enterprises (SMMEs) with about 12,000 people directly employed in the industry. It currently consumes around 25 000 tons of resin and about 10 000 tons of reinforcement and the biggest single user of composites materials by industry classification is the construction industry (35%), followed by transport (23%). Raw material sales are estimated at R1.1 billion. This compares with raw material sales in the French and UK markets of around R7 billion and R1.5 billion respectively”. Sadly, it seems that policy formulators have failed to recognize that Nigeria may once again overlook the next great thing due to the government’s myopic policy strategies.

Make no mistake about it, Advance Manufacturing Technology (ATM) pursuits are not your run-of-the-mill programs. These endeavors require research in the most advanced or emerging technologies which are critical to the production of superior materials and engineering techniques. These technologies and materials are vital to any nation’s developmental aspirations. The lack or absence of such technological knowledge confines nations such as Nigeria to chains of poverty and stunted development, their economies perpetually fettered to the export of their limited natural commodities. This has been the delineator between rich and poor nations of the world since the beginning of industrialization. To escape such a tortuous circle of developmental stagnation, governments strategize globally and aggressively to acquire Advance Manufacturing Technology (ATM) for their countries’ developmental growth. To do otherwise would be irreversibly detrimental.

Nigeria is routinely misled by insidious economic strategists. An emphasis on boosting Nigeria’s comparative advantage due to its local resources has only led to a redundant addiction to the nation’s oil exports. With easy petro-dollars rolling in, successive governments continue to pay lip service to manufacturing technology acquisitions and implement lackluster techno-policies that have neither direction nor bite. Consequently, the results of these indiscretions continue to plague the manufacturing sector with an overwhelming intensity that manifests in serious macro-economic distortions.

In the past decade, Nigeria’s manufacturing value added as a percent of the Gross Domestic Product (GDP) was 4% compared to Pakistan’s 15%, South Africa’s 19%, South Korea’s 31%, and China’s 35%. The most recent statistics would probably be too depressing to publish since most of the supporting cast of national productivity sectors languish in persistent decline. A major concern is the compromised power sector that has forced many manufacturing industries to close shop or relocate to neighboring countries—a clear indicator of the absence of an enabling business environment. Apparently, it is no longer surprising to find Nigeria consistently listed among the bottom ranking nations with the least developed indices in manufacturing technology.

To be fair, many African governments, including Nigeria, recognize the urgency to rapidly encourage a technology transfer between countries, a diversity of export of primary commodities, and a plan to sustain an enabling business environment. However, the political will to execute the essential steps toward these efforts is, unfortunately, lacking. Without a doubt, technology transfers between nations are a murky business where extensive horse-trading by businesses and governments require far-reaching, yet tactful maneuvers. Although the role of government in advanced technological endeavors may appear passive, this is superficially diplomatic since most governments are knee-deep in the technology transfer barter.

The decision of the Nigerian Federal Government to establish the 17 ATM Institutes is apparently an attempt at reversing the decay in the manufacturing sector, closing the huge technology gap, and rescuing the nation from the league of bottom feeders that supply raw extractive commodities to the global economy. However, the mere establishment of these institutes without a proper foundation to receive the incoming technical knowledge or identify key industries to absorb the technical skill or material output is a recipe for failure. Human capital, power, and an enabling business environment are requisite elements for practicable technology transfer. Equally important is how the technological policy specifies the application of resources in terms of cost benefits for the development of highly revolutionary materials or technology such as composites.

Clearly, Nigeria is in dire need of a comprehensive composites technology strategy that provides unambiguous blueprints for deepening technical knowledge, application, and transfer of composites technology. To ensure successful implementation, the present administration must look beyond ethnic or political persuasions to formulate workable techno-policies in composites development. It is also important for the government to refrain from setting illogical, astronomical targets and timelines for the acquisition of the emerging technologies.

Additionally, the Nigerian government must stimulate the local market by increasing the use of these high performance materials in critical sectors of the country’s infrastructure, including incentives for local entrepreneurs to invest or develop composites technology. Without an alluring market, foreign investment and technology transfer will no doubt be difficult to attract and sustain in Nigeria.

Emma Adoghe, a member of the Society for the Advancement of Material and Process Engineering, Covina, CA, is the CEO of CP Fiberglass

The Essence of the Vuvuzela

Hank Eso

hankeso@aol.com

Sunday 11 July 2010

The essence of vuvuzela is that it is team-neutral, nonpartisan and non-discriminatory. The vuvuzela is very democratic; it cheers for both teams and distracts both teams equally. Another benefit is that the vuvuzela drown out hecklers or opinionated tlevision and radio announcers.

Today, the one-month long and only truly global sports fiesta, the 2010 FIFA World Cup will end. It has been a jolly ride and an event full of surprises. There will be only one champion; either Spain or Holland. My bet is on Spain.

However, there will be far more winners than there are losers. All the other nations that participated in the event, but went home early or those like Germany and Uruguay, that exited on the eve of the finale are also winners. So too, is FIFA and the host country, South Africa.

Singularly, the FIFA World Cup attests to universality of humankind and offers a glimpse into commonality of interests and the possibility of peaceful co-existence among varying nationalities, even if for one month. What it all says, is that as people and nations, we can fight hard and come up winners or losers without violence, without blood letting or firing a shot. Soccer unites! Sports unite!!

The memories of the 2010 FIFA World Cup will linger well past the 2014 FIFA World Cup in Brazil. So too, will the iconic Zulu cheering tool, the vuvuzela (or lepatata), which is only matched in its sudden popularity and awesomeness by the Tsunami. I own one, which I consider priceless, not in terms of its actual cost, but in real terms, and what it represents. The vuvuzela, simply, is out of Africa.

Experiencing the drone like and swarming bee-buzzing sounding vuvuzela is simply awesome as it may be irritating to some. Encountering the vuvuzela on television does not cut it. You need to be in a capacity-filled stadium to grasp what this cheering instrument does as well as its overwhelming capacity and impact. The vuvuzela is influential!

Yet, the essence of vuvuzela is that it is team-neutral, non-partisan and non-discriminatory. The vuvuzela is very democratic; it cheers for both teams and distracts both teams equally. Another benefit is that the vuvuzela drown out hecklers or opinionated television and radio announcers.

Just as its users dominate stadiums, they also cheer for no one in particular, contrary to what has hitherto been the case. It ensures that no team feels or has the home advantage, merely because they have more national supporters in the stadium. Vuvuzela wielders cheer universally, thus creating an incessant buzz that some find enchanting and others distracting, intimidating and grossly irritating. This is why many campaigned for its ban but thank goodness, FIFA boss, Sepp Blatter, allowed reason to prevail. Those who tried to ban the vuvuzela, missed the point entirely. Just like the Brazilians added samba –both the tap-soccer skill set and the drums—to the beautiful game, the South Africans have banqueted the vuvuzela to the world. The vuv is here to stay!

As a first hand witness, I can attest that the vuvuzela has an abnormally high din, perhaps with some possible loss of hearing implications. Nonetheless, besides adding impetus to the carnival and convivial atmosphere of the game, the vuvuzela also drown out partisans and hecklers. Only two national fans –England and Australia managed --and only so in dire moments for their teams-- to raise sufficient vocal din to drown out and override the vuvuzela, intermittently. Unbeknown to many global TV watchers, the vuvuzela also created a hot by-product. Most fans in the stadiums including those using the vuvuzela wore earplugs. The number of earplugs sold was relatively proportional to the number of vuvuzela at every game. In economic terms, both items were good for the South African economy. So the health concerns were ameliorated, sort of.

As the hosts, South Africa and the entire Africa continent can say with pride, we may not have won the cup, but we gave the world a hitch-free, incident-free and successful World Cup and even threw in the vuvuzela, which will henceforth feature in many sporting events, the 2014 FIFA World Cup included. South Africa did well. They represented Africa well. Their hospitality and sporting spirit were ennobling. We thank them. However, it must be said that they also got immense direct and indirect support for various quarters; FIFA, fellow Africans and interestingly from the UK. Though not widely publicized, the UK took the added measure of deploying police officers at the various airports to pluck out known soccer hooligans just at the point when they were boarding the planes for South Africa. That was helpful, considering the way the England team performed.

The World Cup was not without its hiccups. Some officiating snafus were simply egregious, as were some dives. Intra-team bickering, mostly within some flailing European teams were all part of the game as was Suarez’s “hand of God” foul that put Ghana down. In all, Europe, however, did not lose its soccer soul, since it presented three of the four finalists.

Interestingly, there was poetic justice, or so it seems. In the dying minutes of the Ghana-Uruguay game, the very spot where Gyan Asamoah’s penalty struck was also the very spot where Diego Forlan’s last shot struck in the dying minutes of the Germany-Uruguay game. Coincidence? Maybe! The truth however, as both men will forever remember, is the maxim, “the difference between success and failure in football is often measured in inches”. Interestingly, neither man complained that the vuvuzela was responsible for their not scoring at that most critical moment.

On reflection, it is noteworthy that the big and the powerful nations all made their exit before the final point. That should give us pause. Still, if there is one theme that ought to be trumpeted with the vuvuzelas, it is that song, “We Are the Champions,” and it should apply to every participating team. After all, that is the essence of the nonpartisan, non-discriminating, all-embracing, and all-engulfing vuvuzela. Hail to the Vuv; Viva Africa!. We did it our way. Brazil here we come.

With neither anger nor partiality, until next time, keep the law, stay impartial, and observe closely.

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Hank Eso is a columnist for Kwenu.com. His observations on Nigerian, African and global politics and related issues, has appeared in various print media, journals and internet-based sites. 11 July 2010.

Email: hankeso@aol.com

Five things to avoid on Facebook

And as an avid Facebook user these things really get on my nerves. I think the points should become part of acceptable internet behaviour on social-networking platforms. Listed in no particular order.

1) Avoid attention-seeking posts

I’m really not a fan of posts which are obviously designed to draw attention to people’s sorrowful state. Posts like, “Oh no not again. Why do I have to go through this … ” are designed to get people to comment.

But it’s cry wolf syndrome and sooner or later people stop commenting. Social networks are to spread information, friends and family are for support. The two should not be mixed.

2) Watch excessive concurrent posting

This is particularly a problem with Fan Pages but applies to individuals as well. People with Fan pages often post a whole amount of information at once.

This results in their fans getting a whole bunch of posts in a row and if you’re viewing Facebook on your mobile phone, it is particularly annoying because you have to click “see more stories” just to see the next post.

Rather space it out. Media houses like Time Magazine etc do it that way, which is much better.

3) Don’t link Twitter through Facebook

Avid tweeters who link their Facebook and Twitter account are going to annoy their Facebook friends.

There are a multiple ways around this though. For example, Tweetdeck allows you to integrate with Facebook and specify when the post goes onto Facebook.

There are other apps that will pull a tweet into Facebook if you end it with #FB etc.

4) Keep private posts private

Some people should be using their Facebook inbox or even email for some comments which they instead just post on people’s walls. Husbands and wives sending “lovey-dovey” posts can get really annoying as can parents and children talking about when they are going to chat on Skype.

5) Use lists

You can categorise your friends into list and then when you post you can specify who sees the post by clicking on the share button.

This if important for people with large groups of friends as some people aren’t interested in some of the things you write. Unfortunately specifying who sees the post is not available on mobile yet.

For example I love rugby and used to post my comments on a game while watching. But some friends hated it because they don’t like rugby and because I could not specify from my handset, I stopped doing it.

The same should be true of any keen interest you may have. As a Christian, I see a lot of Christians post things very specific to their beliefs on Facebook. Many of the people on my Facebook friends list would not even understand what such posts are saying as they are not Christians.

In the end you’re either going to get unfriended or removed from people’s newsfeeds.

Is Zuma betraying SADC’s integration efforts?

In 1961, Kwame Nkrumah said: ”Divided we are weak; united, Africa could become one of the greatest forces for good in the world. I believe strongly and sincerely that with the deep-rooted wisdom and dignity, the innate respect for human lives, the intense humanity that is our heritage, the African race, united under one federal government, will emerge not as just another world bloc to flaunt its wealth and strength, but as a great power whose greatness is indestructible because it is built not on fear, envy and suspicion, nor won at the expense of others, but founded on hope, trust, friendship and directed to the good of all mankind.“

And in 2000 Colonel Gadaffi of Libya, perhaps inspired by Nkrumah, but for selfish reasons, put forward a proposal of far-reaching consequences. He wanted full political and economic integration that would lead to the United States of Africa. A preposterous ideal to begin with! But African leaders attending the AU summit in Accra, Ghana, in July 2007 decided to devote their time to a “Grand Debate on the Union Government”. The Committee of Seven, headed by Yoweri Museveni of Uganda, recommended that work towards forming the “United States of Africa” was needed.

In 2006, under the chairmanship of Olusegun Obasanjo, the Committee of Seven undertook a ”Study on An African Union Government: Towards the United States of Africa”, and its findings were presented to an extraordinary session held in November 2006 in Addis Ababa, Ethiopia. The study found that, “all Member States accept the United States of Africa as a common and desirable goal (but) differences exist over the modalities and timeframe for achieving this goal and the appropriate pace of integration”. Obasanjo advocated taking 15 continental institutions created under the AU and transforming them into the 55th state in Africa, by 2015.

In principle South Africa appears to have embraced the idea of the continent moving towards full political and economic integration. Thabo Mbeki was president of South Africa when the AU passed this absurd resolution to form the United States of Africa and proposed the gradual strengthening of regions and AU institutions including executive, judicial, financial and technical institutions.

Mbeki, when delivering the inaugural lecture on May 27 2010 at the Thabo Mbeki Leadership Institute, further reiterated the above view when he said: “The objective to achieve the unity of our Continent, perhaps as a federation or confederation of states, will take time to achieve. However this does not mean that Africa cannot speak with one voice on matters of common interest. Of critical importance in this regard is that we should do everything possible to strengthen both the regional organisations, the Regional Economic Communities, such as the Southern African Development Community (SADC) and Ecowas, and the African Union and its institutions, including the Pan-African Parliament and others.”

Museveni has also supported the idea of regional integration. He has said, “you cannot have a country without a common language — indigenous or borrowed. USA uses English; India uses English, their own huge linguistic groups (Hindu, Gujarat, Tami and Bengali) notwithstanding; Soviet Union used Russian and Brazil used Portuguese. Economic integration does not demand the same degree of cohesion as political integration. A federated East Africa could eventually be a very cohesive part of Africa, using Kiswahili enriched by Bantu and Nilotic/Cushitic dialects. Such a cohesive African state would become the strategic backbone of the African peoples.”

His areas of concern include trade negotiations with foreign countries, dealing with the desert (the environment) and inter-state security issues as well as the fact that adherence to common political principles or standards of good governance varies significantly from state to state. These are important considerations that should not be ignored by proponents of a single government for Africa. How do you integrate South Africa with Somalia?

It does provide some measure of comfort that SADC, when meeting in 2007, adopted a common and sober position in the way forward towards a unified and integrated continent in response to the resolution of the AU.

“Our countries throughout Africa do not have the same level of development and it will take some time before we have the proper infrastructure in place to make that integration which we all agree upon possible,” said Lazarous Kapambwe of Zambia, who was part of the SADC deliberations on regional and continental integration. The argument for regional integration is a valid argument if it is for the purpose of stimulating trade among member countries and boosting the economic growth and development of the region. It however becomes nonsensical if the ultimate aim is to speedily move towards the formation of the United States of Africa.

For SADC the establishment of the Southern African Customs Union, and abolishment of the need for visas among countries such as South Africa, Zambia and Mozambique already was progress towards regional integration. In 2008 SADC managed to achieve an important milestone by launching, at its summit held in Sandton, Johannesburg, the SADC Free Trade Area. Mbeki then as chairperson of SADC, said: “It seems unavoidable that we must reaffirm the importance of regional integration for at least two reasons. Firstly, none of us will be able to assure political and social stability, security and economic development in our countries if the region as a whole continues to grapple with underdevelopment, instability, poverty and marginalisation. Regional economic cooperation and integration offer us the opportunity to pool our limited resources and build an economic base to address the challenges of economic growth and development. Secondly, regional economic integration can create the basis for regional markets and industries to overcome the limits of small national markets, to achieve economies of scale and enhance competitiveness as a platform to participate more effectively in the world economy.”

Jacob Zuma, on occasion of his keynote address to British parliamentarians at the Palace of Westminster in London on March 4 2010, said: “We need to foster regional integration, as a first step to continental integration. Africans must trade with each other, share skills with each other, access each other’s markets, and invest in each other’s economies.”

Zuma was further reiterating the position of the region in line with the resolutions of the AU. But it is of great concern when he then appears to be publicly advancing the common position of the region while privately canoodling with Gadaffi ahead of the AU summit planned for late July in Kampala, Uganda. On July 20 2010 he visited Libya to discuss the “coordination of positions regarding the agenda of the AU summit in Kampala,” according to Libyan sources. It is somewhat disturbing that a South African president would see the need to travel all the way to Libya to meet with Gadaffi for “coordination of positions” ahead of the AU summit.

Libya’s position in respect of continental issues is unequivocal. What is also unambiguous is Gadaffi’s employment of chequebook diplomacy in furthering his own narcissistic interests, as aptly demonstrated by the farcical gathering, in 2008, of 200 African kings and traditional rulers who bestowed on him the title “king of kings”. Gadaffi during his “coronation” implored those royal stooges to advance his campaign for the creation of a single government for Africa. He said: “We want an African military to defend Africa, we want a single African currency, we want one African passport to travel within Africa.”

So, this impromptu visit by Zuma to Libya arouses much suspicion and concern, especially against the backdrop of allegations contained in the controversial Browse Mole report that he was bankrolled by Gadaffi to topple Mbeki, who for a number of years was considered an obstacle to Gadaffi’s continental ambitions. And the fact that countries like Burkina Faso and Togo, which have benefited from Gadaffi’s financial largesse, have been vehemently supporting his preposterous idea of the United States of Africa. Common logic would dictate that a South African president would “coordinate positions” with his regional counterparts not Gadaffi.

What appears more preposterous is the statement by Zuma’s spokesperson, Zizi Kodwa, that: “This visit is more concerned about strengthening the organs of the AU and how to speed up the process of regional integration.” Does South Africa consult with Libya on its regional matters? We can wish and hope that the region is not being sold for “30 pieces of silver”.

The pursuit of regional and continental integration is a noble pursuit necessary for the development of Africa and reversing the losses of colonialism and unbridled kleptomania. Liberalisation of trade among African economies, promotion of investments and good governance as well as the establishment of industries, among other things, should be the driving force behind these pursuits. Gadaffi and his wet dream of a single African government can “sommer” wait.

Xenophobia: Yet another threat to the power of myths

By Jazmin Acuna and Kindiza Ngubeni

Violence in society is like a crack in a mirror. The crack distorts the image of us, and we become ambiguous. Un-unified. Like the mirror’s crack, violence destroys the fabric that unites people, thus eliminating the possibility of togetherness. South African history speaks at length of the harm that divisions cause, and when sustained with violence, the damage is often irreversible. Yet, when one thinks that the lesson should have been learned, we find ourselves surrounded by fear and suspicion of threats of attacks against the newest enemy on the menu: foreigners. Puzzled, we wonder what turns ordinary people into killers. Again we overhear people bringing up the “culture of violence” argument, which, if not outright misleading, is only partially true at best. Beyond this type of justification for any outburst of violence in this country, there lies an unexplored driving force that allows people to commit the most heinous acts against equals: myths. “Before we make war or weapons, we make an idea of the enemy”, suggests Sam Keen, the narrator of the film Faces of the Enemy. Indeed, Sam. Indeed.

Myths serve multiple purposes. They can rally some people behind ideas of a common identity as much as they can trigger others to engage in violence to avenge their sense of disentitlement. As of today, myths about foreigners and the attacks themselves have (mis)informed people in South Africa and marred a better picture of reality. For instance, when the media frames the attacks as solely xenophobic, the violent targeting of South Africans is misrecognised. Arbitrarily, certain stories are chosen to make generalisations of the situation of thousands of migrants in this country. South Africans, who, day in and day out, fought in the struggle for liberation from apartheid, find themselves scrapping for work in the volatile neoliberal market. In the middle of the evening dark, frustrated and angry that another empty day will come to dash any hope of a better future, South Africans wonder: Why? While enduring the Johannesburg cold of mid-July, without electricity and running water, they envisage a scope of possibilities that look anything but promising. More questions. No answers. The intoxicating euphoria of 1994 has been replaced by an emasculating sense of betrayal. And in this rough scheme of circumstances, the strange foreigner comes to steal jobs, wives, houses, dignities. The success of one Ethiopian is the reason for the failure of all unemployed South Africans, so the myth goes. It spreads. Like fire, it spreads and it kills.

Amid passersby’ whispers commenting on the-have-you-heard-of story of the day, the news headlines foretelling the doomed future and the impromptu talks of talks about talks among stakeholders and over-empowered officials, little has been said about some key issues at stake that can demystify the mystified. The linkages among people involved in the attacks transgress the very national boundaries that are accused as the main cause of violence. Reality check: South Africans that engage in violent attacks against foreigners have more in common with those they attack than with those that they choose in the ballots. South Africans, Zimbabweans or Mozambicans in squatter camps and townships are equally the victims of a negligent system that denies them basic rights. When listening to the concerns and demands of the sides involved in the 2008 attacks, one can see that their worries have common ground: the pressing desire to live a better life, a desire that cannot be taken away from anybody on accounts of race, gender or nationality.

Some would argue that the South African state is unable to provide for all. However, asking the question of why migrants come to this country in the first place can unpack a whole new set of issues that must be addressed. While South Africans enjoy their well-deserved political freedoms, many also choose to remain blissfully ignorant of the situation in neighbouring Zimbabwe, forgetting that only decades ago Zimbabwe had an important role in bringing down the minority government in South Africa. While Robert Mugabe stubbornly holds on to his seat of power, it should come as no surprise that hundreds decide to cross the borders every day to escape a (mis)rule that should have expired years ago. Whether South Africa has a role in the political situation of Zimbabwe is open to endless discussion, but the political affairs of a country affect the social, and social issues defy imagined national boundaries. The Zimbabwean that reaches the streets of Johannesburg or Cape Town has a story to tell that resonates with the same feelings of disempowered South Africans whose dream of the rainbow nation has not been fulfilled. Perhaps the time has come to start speaking the human rights’ language that permeates the 1996 Constitution for what it is: human. Given its history and as the most powerful country on the continent, South Africa has the responsibility to protect what is human through all means available. The problems of Zimbabweans are the problems of South Africans, and this is no myth.

Once we challenge the myths that fuel the violence, we realise that foreigners and nationals who are victims of attacks are only scapegoats. In a way, it is in the best interests of those in power that the “poor peoples’ conflict” on the streets remains. The sensationalist momentum of xenophobia takes the spotlight away from officials’ utter inability to deliver their promises. It is about time we change the lenses through which we view the violence that takes place in this country. It is the myths that are killing us and taking us further way from fighting the right fight — a fight, nonetheless, that will no longer be resolved with violence. For when it comes to violence, no space should be allowed for ambiguity, contextualisation or hesitance. This fight requires we uplift South Africa’s democracy, which will only occur with appropriate grassroots participation of those today lost in a myopic, myth-driven struggle.

Jazmin Acuna and Kindiza Ngubeni are with the peacebulding programme at the Centre for the Study of Violence and Reconciliation in Johannesburg